Analysing international policy processes and Lithuania’s role in them
Bulletin Apr 17, 2026

What is Next for Russia’s Shadow Fleet: Closing the Gaps in Maritime Sanctions Enforcement

Photo source: Chris Johnson

Russia’s shadow fleet has become one of the central mechanisms enabling the continuation of Russian oil exports despite the extensive sanctions imposed after the invasion of Ukraine in 2022. When the G7 Oil Price Cap Coalition established an oil price cap mechanism, applicable to Russian crude oil since December 5, 2022 and to Russian petroleum products since 5 February 2023, Russia began assembling a parallel maritime logistics network designed to operate outside the Western regulatory environment. Instead of relying on European shipping companies, insurers and financial institutions, Russian exporters increasingly turned to older tankers operating through opaque ownership structures, non-Western insurers and weak maritime registries.

Over the past three years this system has expanded and consolidated into a core group of vessels sustaining Russian maritime exports. While estimates vary, most analyses suggest that the broader shadow fleet now consists of roughly 600–800 tankers globally, representing around 10–15 percent of the global crude and product tanker fleet. As of February–March 2026, 623 oil tankers had been designated by at least one sanctions regime, yet 111 of them continued loading Russian oil cargoes, highlighting the limited effectiveness of vessel-based sanctions. At the same time, 143 shadow fleet tankers were directly involved in transporting Russian crude and oil products from Russian ports in February 2026, reflecting a decrease of 22 vessels. Of these, 78 tankers carried crude oil, while 65 transported oil products. The fleet is also structurally old: 96 percent of crude tankers and 92 percent of product tankers are older than fifteen years, reflecting a logistics system heavily reliant on aging vessels operating outside traditional Western maritime services.

Recent export statistics illustrate the scale of this transformation. By early 2026, G7+ sanctioned tankers were responsible for transporting approximately 68 percent of Russian crude exports, while vessels operating fully within the OPC regime accounted for only around 23 percent of shipments. The remaining share of exports is transported by vessels that operate outside both categories but remain linked to the broader shadow fleet ecosystem. G7+ imposed sanctions have raised logistical costs but have not significantly reduced Russia’s ability to export oil by sea. Russian fossil fuel exports continue to generate around €464 million in revenue per day, with seaborne crude alone accounting for roughly €156 million daily. Export flows have become increasingly volatile. In February 2026, Russian seaborne oil exports declined by 9.2% month-on-month and 5.3% year-on-year, while export revenues fell to approximately $9.5 billion, one of the lowest levels since the start of the invasion.

This persistence reflects a structural limitation in the current wider G7 sanctions’ architecture. Measures targeting individual vessels increase operational risks and costs but rarely disrupt the broader logistics ecosystem. The shadow fleet operates as a decentralized network rather than a fixed network of ships. When one tanker becomes sanctioned or commercially unusable it either gets sold to another company and gets a new set of identifications or another vessel replaces it, thus lessening the effects of the sanctions.

Aging tankers and structural vulnerabilities

Although the shadow fleet has proven resilient, it also contains significant structural weaknesses. One of its defining characteristics is the age of the vessels involved. Many of these tankers were purchased from the secondary ship market shortly before entering sanctions-evading trade routes. The average age of shadow fleet tankers is between 15 and 25 years, compared to roughly 13–14 years for the global tanker fleet. In some cases, vessels older than 20 years now represent nearly one third of the ships transporting Russian crude.

Age matters because maintenance requirements increase rapidly as vessels approach the end of their commercial life cycle. After roughly 18–20 years of service, tankers begin to require more frequent replacement of propulsion components, pumps, valves and electronic control systems. Mechanical failure rates increase significantly as corrosion and fatigue affect hull structures and engine systems.

The technical systems that enable tanker operations are complex and maintenance intensive. Marine diesel propulsion engines require regular replacement of pistons, bearings and fuel injection components. Cargo pumping systems must be maintained to safely load and unload oil cargoes that often exceed 700,000 barrels per tanker. Inert gas systems are necessary to prevent explosions in cargo tanks filled with volatile crude vapors. Modern tankers also rely on advanced electronic systems, including radar navigation equipment, satellite communications and bridge control systems. These systems require certified spare parts and periodic servicing. Without access to reliable maintenance inputs, vessels risk mechanical breakdown or loss of seaworthiness certification under international maritime safety rules.

The limits of the maritime services ban

Recognizing the limitations of vessel listings, policymakers have increasingly explored broader sanctions targeting the services that support maritime trade. One such proposal is the maritime services ban, which would prohibit companies within the G7+ sanctions coalition from providing services such as insurance, shipping, brokerage, financing and technical assistance to vessels transporting Russian oil.

The maritime services ban represents an important shift in sanctions strategy because it targets the logistical infrastructure supporting maritime trade rather than individual ships. European shipping companies and insurers historically dominated the global tanker market. Before the war, companies from EU and G7 countries provided maritime insurance coverage for roughly 90 percent of the global tanker fleet, giving Western states significant leverage over maritime energy transport.

However, the shadow fleet has demonstrated that alternative service providers can emerge outside the sanctions’ coalition. Russia has increasingly relied on insurers and maritime intermediaries based in jurisdictions such as the United Arab Emirates, India, and China, while vessel ownership is frequently routed through complex corporate structures registered in offshore jurisdictions including Marshall Islands, Panama, and St. Kitts and Nevis. As a result, even a comprehensive maritime services ban would likely increase operational costs and logistical complexity rather than completely preventing sanctions-evading trade.

Another limitation concerns international coordination. Shipping insurance, classification, and financing remain concentrated in a small number of markets, particularly within the G7 states, which dominate global tanker insurance and maritime services. For this reason, European policymakers have emphasized that any effective maritime services ban would require coordination with G7 partners. Without such coordination, Russian exporters could redirect tanker services toward alternative providers operating in third countries.

For this reason, EU sanctions policy must move beyond services alone and target the technical infrastructure required to sustain shadow fleet vessels. Unlike insurance or financing, the supply chain for maritime spare parts and technical expertise is significantly more concentrated and difficult to replicate quickly. A large share of specialized maritime components is produced by manufacturers located in Europe, Japan and South Korea. Restricting access to these components would therefore have a more direct impact on the operational capability of the fleet.

Targeting spare parts and technical systems

A useful precedent for such an approach exists in the aviation sector. Following the invasion of Ukraine, the European Union introduced aviation sanctions under Council Regulation (EU) No 833/2014 and its amendment (EU) 2022/328, which prohibit the export of aircraft parts and the provision of maintenance services to Russia. Because modern aircraft require certified spare parts and continuous servicing, these restrictions gradually degrade the operational capability of Russia’s aviation sector.

A similar approach could be applied to maritime transport through a targeted ban on the export of critical tanker components and technical services. Beyond active enforcement efforts targeted at intercepting shadow fleet vessels at sea, policymakers could also restrict the supply of spare parts that would work similarly to aircraft sanctions:  restricting access to critical maritime spare parts would not immediately immobilize vessels but would progressively undermine their ability to maintain propulsion, power generation, and cargo handling systems necessary for continued operation.

Existing sanctions frameworks already provide a partial precedent for such restrictions. Under Council Regulation (EU) No 833/2014, Article 3f prohibits the sale, supply, transfer or export of certain maritime navigation goods and technology to Russia or for use on Russian vessels. These measures primarily target navigation and electronic systems, as well as related technical assistance and brokering services. This distinction is critical. Article 3f already establishes a dual restriction mechanism, covering both the export of specific goods and the provision of related technical assistance. Expanding the scope of controlled goods to include mechanical and safety-critical tanker components would therefore automatically extend existing service prohibitions to these systems, without requiring the creation of a new legal instrument.

These restrictions could target equipment and spare parts associated with safety-critical vessel machinery. In maritime practice, safety-critical equipment refers to systems whose failure would result in the loss of essential vessel functions required for normal operation. These include systems responsible for propulsion, steering, electrical power generation and distribution, cargo handling, inert gas systems, and integrated monitoring and control systems that enable the vessel to operate safely at sea. The spare parts associated with these systems are therefore classified as critical spare parts, as they are necessary to maintain or restore the functionality of this equipment during both planned and unplanned maintenance. Maritime vessels operate for extended periods without access to shipyards or repair facilities, which makes continuous access to spare parts essential. If these components cannot be obtained through manufacturers, authorized distributors, or service depots, vessels may be unable to maintain propulsion systems, electrical power systems, or cargo handling equipment required for sustained maritime operations. Restricting exports of these components when intended for vessels involved in sanctions-evading oil transport would create significant maintenance challenges for shadow fleet operators. Because many of these tankers are already older than the global fleet average, even moderate supply restrictions could accelerate mechanical degradation.

Strategic implications for the Baltic region

The Baltic Sea remains one of the most strategically important corridors for Russian oil exports. Ports such as Primorsk and Ust-Luga continue to handle substantial volumes of seaborne crude, much of which is transported through the Baltic Sea toward Asian markets. However, recent data indicate declining flows, with crude exports from Baltic ports falling by 11.1% month-on-month and 6.4% year-on-year in February 2026. At the same time, 57% of crude and oil product shipments relied on tankers insured within the International Group of P&I Clubs. Tankers departing from these ports must transit through the Danish Straits before reaching global markets. Every year thousands of oil tankers pass through this corridor, making it one of the most important maritime chokepoints in Northern Europe.

The presence of aging shadow fleet vessels in the Baltic Sea also creates environmental risks. The Baltic Sea, designated as Particularly Sensitive Sea Area in accordance with IMO Resolution MEPC.136(53), is a semi-enclosed marine basin with limited water exchange, meaning that a major oil spill could have long-lasting ecological consequences. A poorly maintained tanker carrying up to one million barrels of crude oil represents a significant environmental hazard. Targeting the technical sustainment of shadow fleet vessels therefore serves both economic and environmental objectives. By gradually degrading the operational reliability of aging tankers, policymakers could increase transportation costs, reduce fleet availability and limit the long-term sustainability of Russia’s sanctions-evading export network.

Russia’s shadow fleet demonstrates how global shipping systems adapt to sanctions pressure while creating opportunities for sabotage at sea. Yet this adaptation also produces vulnerabilities. The heavy reliance on aging vessels means that shadow fleet operators depend heavily on access to spare parts, maintenance services and technical expertise. Restricting access to these inputs would not eliminate the fleet immediately, but it would gradually erode its operational capacity over time. As vessels age and maintenance challenges accumulate, sustaining large-scale sanctions-evading oil transport would become increasingly costly and difficult. This creates a policy window for Baltic Sea states to act at the national level. Measures such as restricting ship-to-ship oil transfers within territorial waters, tightening port state control inspections, and applying environmental risk criteria to deny port access could increase operational friction without requiring full EU-level coordination.

Rokas Valentinavičius is a member of the GSSC Junior Analysts Academy. He is currently studying at the Institute of International Relations and Political Science at Vilnius University. His main areas of interest include sanctions policy, economic and maritime security, and transatlantic relations.