Georgia’s local elections: The “Dream” won the vote, but not legitimacy

Elections – without observers and with low voter turnout

Saturday’s local elections brought another victory for the ruling Georgian Dream party. It won all the majority seats and a clear majority of proportional votes in all 64 municipalities, in some cases receiving 100% of the votes. Kakha Kaladze was re-elected mayor of Tbilisi for a third term. However, this victory has little to do with real public support. The rules for organizing the elections were adjusted in advance to give the ruling party an advantage. The elections took place with practically no international observers, and local observers faced numerous obstacles, ranging from restrictions on access to polling stations to intimidation. Independent journalists recorded both procedural violations and cases of vote buying and pressure on voters.

Voter turnout was at a record low, with less than a third of citizens voting in some municipalities. In Tbilisi, just over 20% of voters cast their ballots for Georgian Dream, despite pressure, the mobilization of its supporters, and Bidzina Ivanishvili’s personal call to vote. This shows deepening public skepticism and distrust of the ruling party and the election process itself. Ultimately, by controlling the media and administrative resources, those in power managed to secure a formal advantage in the local elections, but this did not bring greater recognition of the legitimacy of the government from either the public or the international community.

The unfulfilled “flag revolution”

Dissatisfaction with the government in Georgia is higher than ever. Over the past year, Georgian Dream has consistently restricted freedom of speech, increased pressure on civil society, and sought total control by passing a series of laws that do not comply with international standards. With the Georgian Dream party taking control of all key institutions – the parliament, the government, the presidency, and the courts – public resistance has moved to the streets, social media, and independent media.

However, this discontent has not yet found clear political expression. Although the protests demonstrate the energy and determination of the public, opposition forces have been unable to translate this into political action. Over the past year, opposition parties have boycotted work in institutions and successfully collaborated with international partners, but there has been a lack of leadership and initiatives within the country that could unite those disappointed with the government. This was compounded, of course, by Dream’s tactic of arresting key political leaders in advance. With the government turning away from the European path and the opposition unable to offer a convincing alternative, part of society feels left without representation.

One such attempt by the opposition to seize the initiative took place on October 4, a day that opposition activists sought to turn into a “flag revolution.” Instead of local elections, which were considered unfair, more than 20,000 people gathered on Rustaveli Avenue, demanding the resignation of the government. Opposition activists had been preparing for this day in advance, hoping to seize the moment – but emphasizing their peaceful intentions. They were inspired by similar revolutions – the Rose Revolution in Georgia and the Velvet Revolution in Armenia – as well as the trauma of civil war. However, the organizers’ expectations were not met this time. After opera singer Paata Burchuladze read the declaration, an attempt was made to storm the presidential residence, Orbeliani Palace, but security forces resisted with water cannons and tear gas. Soon, security forces prevented any further attempts to take over the presidency or other government buildings.

The democratic movement lacks political direction

Attempts to take action against an increasingly authoritarian government will have consequences. After the October 4 demonstration, all of its organizers and some activists were arrested – currently, 36 people. Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze responded to the attempt to stage a revolution by calling for “severe” measures against those who participated in it and promising to crack down on them. The daily protests in Rustaveli have been declared a “continuation of the coup,” paving the way for harsher punishment of the most active participants. There are plans to ban opposition political parties, and the legal basis for this has already been prepared.

However, demonstrations on Rustaveli Avenue continue. Citizens, especially young people and urban dwellers, no longer believe that a change of government is possible through elections and are showing courage in defending their democracy through other means of peaceful resistance. At present, this resistance lacks a political expression, but October 4 showed that society is not tired or resigned to the rule of the Georgian Dream.

Future scenarios will depend on the ability to give this movement a political direction. So far, the opposition, despite declaring its intention to unite against the ruling regime, remains fragmented and undecided on its strategy. Some opposition leaders are still in prison, which limits their ability to mobilize voters or negotiate joint action.

At the same time, those opposition figures who attempted to take more active measures found themselves targeted by the authorities. Politicians who called for protests on October 4 and announced a possible “revolution” were detained, sending a clear signal that the regime does not intend to allow discontent to turn into political action. Therefore, although Georgian Dream may be celebrating another election victory today, it has lost the trust and legitimacy of the public.